homepage Subscribe to feed |  

Bulldozia Projects

         
Blog
 
The Bloody Gold
Remembering the Freedom Riders
The Fire Last Time
The Right Not To Be Understood
The Guinea's Stamp
Jack Chase and Sandy Jenkins
Run This Way - 1
International Diplomacy
The Payback II
Currently Reading
The Payback
Twenty Days of Aftershocks
The V Word Revisited
Douglass in Leeds
Raising Cain
 

International Diplomacy

Outside Haiti, the world's mainstream media rarely take notice of the country's elections. Even after the January, 2010 earthquake, the attitude pretty much stayed the same. They continued to repeat the standard line that it is a failed, corrupt state, kept afloat by foreign donations and NGOs. Whatever the result in November's poll, none of this would change.

But then their interest in the election was sparked once Wyclef Jean hinted that he would stand, a hint confirmed on 5 August. Along with 33 others, he waited for the decision of the Conseil Électoral Provisoire (CEP), Haiti's electoral council, for confirmation that they would be eligible to stand.

The decision was expected on Tuesday 17 August, but at the last minute it was postponed until the Friday. And when it came, the press were all aflutter: Wyclef had been disqualified - although 14 others had too, leaving only 19 candidates to appear on the ballot papers in November.

The next day, in the Miami Herald appeared a piece entitled Banned from ballot, Wyclef remains an inspiration by Edwidge Danticat. In it she admits to initially feeling excitement at the thought of his candidacy. Wyclef had helped to put Haiti back on the front pages again, and no doubt for some he was a refreshing outsider compared to the stuffy intellectual elite.

A cultural outsider maybe, but a political one? His subsequent criticisms of the CEP (subsequently expressed in song) were related to the rejection of his own candidacy, not that of others. And he certainly had nothing to say about its decision to exclude Haiti's largest political party, Fanmi Lavalas, from the Senate elections in April last year, a decision condemned in an open letter (pdf) to Jose Miguel Insulza of the Organisation of American States and Ban Ki-moon of the United Nations. The ban remains in force for this year's elections.

Of course, too stringent criticism of the CEP would undercut his own position in the unlikely event that they reverse their decision. If participating in the election in itself would not be an index of his support for the ruling elite, his notorious remarks in support of the armed rebels who helped overthrow the democratically-elected Aristide in 2004 (which he has not retracted) should leave us in no doubt. And indeed not one of the candidates is guiltless on that score, which is another reason why Haiti Liberté has called it a sham election.

Danticat remains silent on these matters. Perhaps she is too close to her friend to criticize him in public. I am reminded of another Caribbean woman writer seemingly losing courage when the opportunity to take a stand comes available. When Jamaica Kincaid visited Tel Aviv in January 2004, Haaretz reported her response when asked for her thoughts on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
'In my opinion, it would be rude to come as a guest into someone's home and tell him how to live,' she says. 'I have opinions, but I express them in private. I am only a guest here.'
The analogy between visiting a country and visiting someone's house is rather forced, to say the least. And in any case, if you discovered that your host was keeping someone prisoner in the basement, you might just think this warranted more than a raised eyebrow.

Reading between the lines, though, she perhaps betrays her opinions all the same. After all, if she wholeheartedly approved of the Occupation she wouldn't have to worry about telling her hosts 'how to live.' But if that is all we can take from this report of her visit, these are slim pickings indeed. One could hardly talk of an bold intervention here.

Danticat on the other hand hints at much more. Her piece indirectly points up a number of other reasons why Wyclef might not be perfect presidential candidate: his poor French, questions about the probity of his Yéle foundation, and indeed his problematic residency status. And yet by not making a meal of them, as a friend, her words may indeed carry weight, and she reminds him - in public and therefore in a way that would make it harder for him to - of his duties. He should bow to the decision gracefully, not to incite violence, and to concentrate on doing what he does best - being a musician and a roving ambassador for the country.

Still, the question remains whether Haitian intellectuals have been unduly reluctant to embrace the cause of popular democracy. The thinly disguised attacks on Jean-Bertrand Aristide in Lyonel Trouillot's novel Bicentenaire (2004) and Raoul Peck's film Moloch Tropical (2009) are perhaps the best-known examples (and taken to task by Le Monde du Sud/elsie-news and Kim Ives respectively).

Danticat's writings are politically much more ambiguous. Her memoir, Brother, I'm Dying (2007) sympathetically records her uncle's radicalism. He embraced Aristide in the late 1980s, seeing in him a version of Daniel Fignolé, ousted by François Duvalier in 1957. Fifteen years later, now an old man in poor health, he was eventually forced to leave Haiti when some of Aristide's supporters (wrongly) accused him of collaborating with UN forces and police. In her account, Danticat distances herself from the loaded term chimères, used to demonize Aristide's supporters, although her choice of nouns in her reference to anti-Aristide 'groups' and pro-Aristide 'gangs' arguably closes that distance.1

Similarly, perhaps, her narrative of events of 2004 in the essay 'Bicentennial' in Create Dangerously (2010) avoids celebrating Aristide's departure from office (and subsequent exile in South Africa) without actually describing it as a coup d'état.2

Given the prevailing balance of power, such apparent even-handedness cannot help but bring comfort to the forces that brought an end to Haiti's precarious decade-long experiment with democracy. It would be hard to think of such reticence among an older generation of Haitian writers, such as Jacques Roumain and Jacques-Stephen Alexis.

Part of the reason must be the legacy of thirty years of dictatorship, during which any form of political dissent within the country was practically impossible, and clearly forced writers and artists to express their resistance indirectly. And another factor must be that - as a dyaspora living in North America - writers like Danticat (as she clearly indicates in her latest book) are caught between the expectations of fellow Haitian-Americans (who frequently take issue when her characters aren't sufficiently 'representative') and the demands of those back home (who feel that as someone who has left the country she has no right to comment on its political scene).

In his book on Aristide and the Lavalas movement, Peter Hallward argued that 'the great majority of intellectuals and academics in Haiti are conservative as a matter of course,' 3. If that is true, then equivocation is hardly sufficient to tip the balance. As Chris Bongie observes (pdf), it seems, in the wake of a 'natural' catastrophe and a 'humanitarian' crisis, that 'taking sides' is entirely inappropriate. But it is precisely under such circumstances that dominant versions of 'historical truth' take hold, blocking the full range of possibilities – or electoral candidates – that lay claim to our consideration.

Notes

1. Edwidge Danticat, Brother, I’m Dying (New York: Vintage, 2008), pp177, 150-1.

2. Edwidge Danticat, Create Dangerously: The Immigrant Artist At Work (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), pp97-105.

3. Peter Hallward, Damming the Flood: Haiti, Aristide, and the Politics of Containment (London: Verso, 2007), p194.

Print-friendly version
created by Alasdair Pettinger Wed 25 Aug 2010 12:21 GMT+0100
 
 
 
 
 
 
Blog > International Diplomacy
 

Search